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IV2007

09-18 10:02 AM

As the title says, can I change from AOS to CP even though my PD is not current.

Will the consulate process my case even if the PD is not current ?

I guess, they should depending on the number of applications at the consulate.

Please let me know whether I should take this route.

Well my PD is Feb 2007 (EB2) so I was thinking of this route rather than wait for endless years in this mess :(

Thanks in Advance

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Blog Feeds

05-12 11:10 AM

A lot of people influenced my decision to become an immigration lawyer nearly two decades ago, but one person that certainly deserves mention is Judge Diane Wood. I first took her international trade law class at the University of Chicago and it turned out to be my best grade in law school. I then did an independent study with Professor Wood and wrote about the integration of the European legal profession, a topic that introduced me to the subject of employment immigration law. Five years after I graduated U of C, Professor Wood was appointed by President Clinton to serve...

More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2009/05/judge-wood-would-be-a-friend-for-immigration-on-the-supreme-court.html)

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skone

02-04 02:58 PM

Hello,

I run an IT business from here in Canada and make about US$ 80K/Year. I am now thinking to move to USA and was wondering how I could use my company to benefit and help me with that.

Is it better to move the company to US or is it better to open a subsidiary in USA? Also what are the minimum requirements to be successful in the immigration visa? Do I need to declare a minimum amount to the Canadian government etc.., that will be a proof for my company etc..?

I run the company myself with my common-law-partner. We do everything, including sending bills, invoices etc..

Thank you for any advice.

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gspatnaik

07-07 10:15 AM

Hi! All,

The H1B and GC fees are increasing eff July 13th.
New Consular Fees (http://travel.state.gov/news/news_5078.html)

Thanks..

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shukkoor007

11-05 08:21 AM

I am an Indian, currently working in Saudi Arabia. Just paid my IV fee to NVC, and waiting for Package-3. As far I understand regards to Police Clearance Certificate, I need to get Police Clearance from
1. Indian embassy from Saudi Arabia (as Saudi PCC are not available for third country citizen residing in the kingdom) and
2. Local and District police stations from India, where I stayed more than 06 months.
As per Indian embassy web site to apply for PCC, need Letter from Embassy which has asked for Police Clearance Certificate (where from I can get this letter??)
I heard from my friends, its very hard to get PCC form local and District police office in India for NRI�s (anybody experienced similar situation, please just guide us/ is it take time?? )

One more doubt , is it possible get police clearance without Package-3 (? Any special form for PCC in Package-3)

Thanks you very much for your help & guidance in advance.

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nmedhora

04-10 12:48 PM

I left the U.S on October 30 2009. My L.C. [Perm] had been filed on July 30 2009 and was recently approved.
My 6 year H1B expired on Feb 2 2010, with approximately 160 days available for recapture.
My company needs me to return to the US urgently and is wanting me to apply for a Business Visa.
Subsequently when I am in the U.S, they intend to file for I140 and then 7th year H1B extension plus recapture
time based on pending I140
Is this feasible? -- What impact would it have on my green card application process?

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varesident

06-29 11:56 PM

I changed my employer 3 months back and didn't expect the dates to get current so soon. My labor with the new employer has just been filed. However, my previous employer told me that if I want to continue with my gc process with them, I need to be their employee again.
Does it make sense for me to do this ? My 485 will not get filed until 10 days from now because I have yet to start with the paperwork.
Will the dates retrogress by then? Please advise me folks.

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sankap

08-01 01:56 AM

Could anyone share their experience/knowledge about getting home loan on EAD? My bank says that, for non-FHA loans, you need to be in any of the visa categories like H1, TN1, GC, ... But its list doesn't include EAD or Adjustment of Status. Can that list be challenged to include EAD? That is, how to convince the bank/lending inst that EAD is a legal/legitimate status like H1?

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chanduy9

07-03 03:09 PM

http://digg.com/politics/Rep_Lofgren_Issues_Statement_on_Updated_Visa_Bulle tin


This is good news..some one responded...if we send flowers to USICS it will make more impact....
just my idea...

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tanmoymuk

03-11 12:33 PM

I have an I-485 filed under EB2 category and have used the Advance Parole documents to travel outside US. As a result my I-94 states my status as "PAROLEE".

I recently got my EB1-I-140 (Extraordinary Ability) approved and my lawyer wanted me to apply for a new I-485 saying that transferring a I-485 gets rejected more often.

However, on knowing that my I-94 states that I am a Parolee she tells me that she cannot apply for a new I-485. Is that true?

Urgent response will be greatly appreciated.

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newtoh1

05-03 05:51 AM

No he doesn't have pending GC status.His wife is on 4th year of H1 and she already got EAD.But her priority date is not current (Sept 06)to add him to her GC status immediately.

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ckos

08-26 08:04 PM

Typically it is posted Sunday night

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NolaIndian32

05-06 09:37 PM

If someone can shed light on why a case would be sent to the National Benefits Center, please advise.

case details:
EB-2 India
PD - Early 2002
I-485 filed July 2007.
EAD and AP rec'd late 2007, FP done 2007

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whattodo21

04-22 03:22 PM

this may help you R2I Dilemma, Planning (http://www.r2iclubforums.com/forums/forumdisplay.php/11-R2I-Dilemma-Planning)

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Macaca

02-17 04:50 PM

Resources

Learn about Congress (http://clerkkids.house.gov/congress/index.html)
Glossary (http://clerkkids.house.gov/glossary/index.html)

Open Congress (http://www.opencongress.org/)
Congress.org (http://www.congress.org/congressorg/home/)
How laws are enacted once they have been passed (http://thomas.loc.gov/home/enactment/enactlawtoc.html)

White House (http://www.whitehouse.gov/)

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hotbread1

05-16 12:35 PM

YOu should go ahead and file your response to RFE. I had the same issue with my case when my attorney did not inform me of a RFE. After missing the deadline, I filed my repone through a different attorney explaining the problemand USCIS accepte my response.

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SlowRoasted

04-24 10:35 PM

very nice:thumb:

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mchatrvd

05-25 04:09 PM

Just search I765 on Google and go to USCIS site link. They have both instructions and forms.

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h1bstamping123

05-14 02:41 PM

Hi,

I have my interview on March9th at Islamabad US Embassy and got a white sheet that my visa has been approved but needs further administratice processing. I have been calling PK Us Embassy and DOS every other week to check the status and got tjhe same response that it is in 'Pending'.

Just today i called in the afternoon PK US Embassy and a guy told me that my AP is in final stage and also asked me if i have my docs and PP with me or is it with us (the embassy) ?. I told him that it is with you guys and then he told me that you should be getting your docs and PP next week or early the week after. I joked with him to see if he was just making my day and he laughed and said no Sir you should be getting it next week. So at night i called DOS just to verify what is going on and DOS stated that my status is still pending.

Now i am confused as to whose telling the truth and whose telling the lie. It has been 65 days for me since the date of my interview. Anyone else experience this before ?

Any help will be highly appreciated.

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LOL123

10-21 02:41 PM

I am a dependent to the primary applicant of 485. i am planning to change my status from H1 to EAD. what is the procedure. Do I need to inform any one?

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Macaca

11-11 08:15 AM

Extreme Politics (http://www.nytimes.com/2007/11/11/books/review/Brinkley-t.html) By ALAN BRINKLEY | New York Times, November 11, 2007

Alan Brinkley is the Allan Nevins professor of history and the provost at Columbia University.

Few people would dispute that the politics of Washington are as polarized today as they have been in decades. The question Ronald Brownstein poses in this provocative book is whether what he calls “extreme partisanship” is simply a result of the tactics of recent party leaders, or whether it is an enduring product of a systemic change in the structure and behavior of the political world. Brownstein, formerly the chief political correspondent for The Los Angeles Times and now the political director of the Atlantic Media Company, gives considerable credence to both explanations. But the most important part of “The Second Civil War” — and the most debatable — is his claim that the current political climate is the logical, perhaps even inevitable, result of a structural change that stretched over a generation.

A half-century ago, Brownstein says, the two parties looked very different from how they appear today. The Democratic Party was a motley combination of the conservative white South; workers in the industrial North as well as African-Americans and other minorities; and cosmopolitan liberals in the major cities of the East and West Coasts. Republicans dominated the suburbs, the business world, the farm belt and traditional elites. But the constituencies of both parties were sufficiently diverse, both demographically and ideologically, to mute the differences between them. There were enough liberals in the Republican Party, and enough conservatives among the Democrats, to require continual negotiation and compromise and to permit either party to help shape policy and to be competitive in most elections. Brownstein calls this “the Age of Bargaining,” and while he concedes that this era helped prevent bold decisions (like confronting racial discrimination), he clearly prefers it to the fractious world that followed.

The turbulent politics of the 1960s and ’70s introduced newly ideological perspectives to the two major parties and inaugurated what Brownstein calls “the great sorting out” — a movement of politicians and voters into two ideological camps, one dominated by an intensified conservatism and the other by an aggressive liberalism. By the end of the 1970s, he argues, the Republican Party was no longer a broad coalition but a party dominated by its most conservative voices; the Democratic Party had become a more consistently liberal force, and had similarly banished many of its dissenting voices. Some scholars and critics of American politics in the 1950s had called for exactly such a change, insisting that clear ideological differences would give voters a real choice and thus a greater role in the democratic process. But to Brownstein, the “sorting out” was a catastrophe that led directly to the meanspirited, take-no-prisoners partisanship of today.

There is considerable truth in this story. But the transformation of American politics that he describes was the product of more extensive forces than he allows and has been, at least so far, less profound than he claims. Brownstein correctly cites the Democrats’ embrace of the civil rights movement as a catalyst for partisan change — moving the white South solidly into the Republican Party and shifting it farther to the right, while pushing the Democrats farther to the left. But he offers few other explanations for “the great sorting out” beyond the preferences and behavior of party leaders. A more persuasive explanation would have to include other large social changes: the enormous shift of population into the Sun Belt over the last several decades; the new immigration and the dramatic increase it created in ethnic minorities within the electorate; the escalation of economic inequality, beginning in the 1970s, which raised the expectations of the wealthy and the anxiety of lower-middle-class and working-class people (an anxiety conservatives used to gain support for lowering taxes and attacking government); the end of the cold war and the emergence of a much less stable international system; and perhaps most of all, the movement of much of the political center out of the party system altogether and into the largest single category of voters — independents. Voters may not have changed their ideology very much. Most evidence suggests that a majority of Americans remain relatively moderate and pragmatic. But many have lost interest, and confidence, in the political system and the government, leaving the most fervent party loyalists with greatly increased influence on the choice of candidates and policies.

Brownstein skillfully and convincingly recounts the process by which the conservative movement gained control of the Republican Party and its Congressional delegation. He is especially deft at identifying the institutional and procedural tools that the most conservative wing of the party used after 2000 both to vanquish Republican moderates and to limit the ability of the Democratic minority to participate meaningfully in the legislative process. He is less successful (and somewhat halfhearted) in making the case for a comparable ideological homogeneity among the Democrats, as becomes clear in the book’s opening passage. Brownstein appropriately cites the former House Republican leader Tom DeLay’s farewell speech in 2006 as a sign of his party’s recent strategy. DeLay ridiculed those who complained about “bitter, divisive partisan rancor.” Partisanship, he stated, “is not a symptom of democracy’s weakness but of its health and its strength.”

But making the same argument about a similar dogmatism and zealotry among Democrats is a considerable stretch. To make this case, Brownstein cites not an elected official (let alone a Congressional leader), but the readers of the Daily Kos, a popular left-wing/libertarian Web site that promotes what Brownstein calls “a scorched-earth opposition to the G.O.P.” According to him, “DeLay and the Democratic Internet activists ... each sought to reconfigure their political party to the same specifications — as a warrior party that would commit to opposing the other side with every conceivable means at its disposal.” The Kos is a significant force, and some leading Democrats have attended its yearly conventions. But few party leaders share the most extreme views of Kos supporters, and even fewer embrace their “passionate partisanship.” Many Democrats might wish that their party leaders would emulate the aggressively partisan style of the Republican right. But it would be hard to argue that they have come even remotely close to the ideological purity of their conservative counterparts. More often, they have seemed cowed and timorous in the face of Republican discipline, and have over time themselves moved increasingly rightward; their recapture of Congress has so far appeared to have emboldened them only modestly.

There is no definitive answer to the question of whether the current level of polarization is the inevitable result of long-term systemic changes, or whether it is a transitory product of a particular political moment. But much of this so-called age of extreme partisanship has looked very much like Brownstein’s “Age of Bargaining.” Ronald Reagan, the great hero of the right and a much more effective spokesman for its views than President Bush, certainly oversaw a significant shift in the ideology and policy of the Republican Party. But through much of his presidency, both he and the Congressional Republicans displayed considerable pragmatism, engaged in negotiation with their opponents and accepted many compromises. Bill Clinton, bedeviled though he was by partisan fury, was a master of compromise and negotiation — and of co-opting and transforming the views of his adversaries. Only under George W. Bush — through a combination of his control of both houses of Congress, his own inflexibility and the post-9/11 climate — did extreme partisanship manage to dominate the agenda. Given the apparent failure of this project, it seems unlikely that a new president, whether Democrat or Republican, will be able to recreate the dispiriting political world of the last seven years.

Division of the U.S. Didn’t Occur Overnight (http://www.nytimes.com/2007/11/13/books/13kaku.html) By MICHIKO KAKUTANI | New York Times, November 13, 2007
THE SECOND CIVIL WAR How Extreme Partisanship Has Paralyzed Washington and Polarized America By Ronald Brownstein, The Penguin Press. $27.95

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